Monday, March 28, 2005

TheoCon Doms Reveal Their Hand!

The Dominionists are showing their hand quite directly. This article will make your hair stand on end if you've been following the Madsen investigations. Just like Hitler in Mein Kampf, just like the PNACers, these people put right out their the NeoFascist agenda they have in mind.

NYT's article:
Movement in the Pews Tries to Jolt Ohio


Published: March 27, 2005

Greg Sailor for The New York Times
The Ohio secretary of state, J. Kenneth Blackwell, has the support of the state's conservative church leaders.

COLUMBUS, Ohio - Christian [JamBoi note: Not!] conservative leaders from scores of Ohio's fastest growing churches are mounting a campaign to win control of local government posts and Republican organizations, starting with the 2006 governor's race.

In a manifesto that is being circulated among church leaders and on the Internet, the group, which is called the Ohio Restoration Project
, is planning to mobilize 2,000 evangelical, Baptist, Pentecostal and Roman Catholic leaders in a network of so-called Patriot Pastors to register half a million new voters, enlist activists, train candidates and endorse conservative causes in the next year.

The initial goal is to elect Secretary of State J. Kenneth Blackwell, a conservative Republican, governor in 2006. The group hopes to build grass-roots organizations in Ohio's 88 counties and take control of local Republican organizations.

"The establishment of the Ohio Republican Party is out of touch with its base," said Russell Johnson, the pastor of the Fairfield Christian Church and the principal organizer of the project. "It acts as if it lives in Boston, Mass."

I must say these people have brazeness if nothing else. Here's one insinuating somehow he's more Republican than the Republicans and inviting the Republicans who aren't Domionist enough to join the Dems:

"We're very confused that you have a Republican Party platform, and yet people running for higher office pay no attention to it," said Phil Burress, the leader of the Issue 1 campaign, who is also helping organize the Restoration Project. "Why don't they just become Democrats?" he asked.

I encourage everyone to read the whole article at the NYT's site

Tuesday, March 08, 2005

Votergate Article -- Still Attacked from the Reichwing

[Note on Votergate article: A number of posters on blogs like DUand Daily Kos continue to question the validity of my November story on vote fraud in the presidential election, who paid for it, and where and how the money was obtained. These posters -- who appear to be the same individuals and who post in the same style as Freepers -- are likely GOP blog browsers who, like "Jeff Gannon," are out to spread disinformation and false innuendo.

The latest posters now question the authenticity of documents proving a large pedophile ring in the Reagan-Bush administration, speculating they are Karl Rove plants. With the amount of capital sunk by Rove in fooling Dan Rather and 60 Minutes, this is not surprising. This crowd has specialized in fake documents, including those used to get us into a war with Iraq and damaging the reputations of anti-war politicians around the world.

But that ruse is now spent. And Rove knows it. The GOP blog surfers do not, however. In addition, to these GOP posters, one blog and a "vote fraud" web site that claim to be pro-Democrat, have questionable links. One blog is tied to secretive money sources in Ohio and Florida (fancy that), a political dirty tricks operative, and a convicted felon. A vote fraud web site is led by someone who was active in the kooky Perot campaign who once marketed anti-Clinton paraphernalia on the Internet.]

The following article exemplifies how, like the vote fraud, the GOP uses off-shore accounts to commit contract fraud in Iraq. This is the same modus operandi used in Votergate: off-shore accounts, tax havens, illegal money flows, unaccounted for cash, etc. Suggestions to the contrary are another attempt by Rove and his paid web surfers and posters to muddy the waters and keep us off balance.

How a Contractor Cashed In on Iraq
Friday March 4, 3:00 am ET
Jason McLure, Legal Times
A $33,000 food order in Mosul was billed to the U.S.-led interim government of Iraq at $432,000. Electricity that cost $74,000 was invoiced at $400,000. Even $10 kettles got a 400 percent markup.

Documents unearthed as part of a whistleblower suit against Fairfax, Va.'s Custer Battles reveal for the first time the extent to which the defense contractor is accused of gouging the Coalition Provisional Authority, which governed Iraq following the U.S. invasion of the country in 2003.

Among those documents is a spreadsheet that appears to show the company billing the government nearly $10 million for dozens of items, including food, vehicles, and cooking pots. The total cost to Custer Battles, according to the spreadsheet, was less than $4 million -- a profit margin of 150 percent, far higher than the 25 percent margin allowed under its contract.

For critics of the Bush administration's handling of postwar Iraq, Custer Battles has become something of a symbol of contractor excess during the 14-month period that the Coalition Provisional Authority governed Iraq. The company was able to secure tens of millions of dollars' worth of security and logistical contracts from the CPA -- despite the fact that it didn't even exist until just months before the invasion of Iraq.

Last fall, Custer Battles was suspended from government contracting after Pentagon investigators documented evidence indicating that the company had defrauded the CPA by inflating its costs. The scheme, according to the investigation, involved a series of "sham" companies that were used to produce false invoices and hide the actual costs of items.

Now, much of that evidence is coming to light through the whistleblower suit in the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia. Legal Times obtained access to the spreadsheet and hundreds of other previously confidential documents from the government's investigation of Custer Battles. The spreadsheet and other documents were provided to Legal Times by the whistleblowers' lawyers, who obtained the material from Custer Battles as part of the discovery process.

A spokeswoman for Custer Battles declined to comment for this article. But a lawyer representing the company in the whistleblower suit, John Boese of the D.C. office of Fried, Frank, Harris, Shriver & Jacobson, issued a response to a series of detailed questions referencing the documents. In an e-mailed statement, he said that the issues raised "do not demonstrate any type of fraud or wrong-doing by the company or any of its employees, and the company vigorously denies any such conduct or allegations."

In the statement, Boese also maintains that the documents were subject to a court-issued protective order, and thus "we do not believe it is appropriate to comment on the contents of confidential documents."

Alan Grayson, a lawyer for the plaintiffs, disputes that assessment, saying that the defense "had withdrawn the [confidential] designation" on the documents reviewed by Legal Times.


Among the documents in the files is an account of a tense Oct. 18, 2003, meeting in Baghdad's Green Zone between Custer Battles' two principals -- Scott Custer and Michael Battles -- and CPA officials.

The tension arose over questions about Custer Battles' performance and billing practices in a contract to provide logistical support for U.S. efforts to distribute the new Iraqi currency.

One attendee at that October meeting was Jeffrey Ottenbreit, a consultant for BearingPoint, a company contracted to manage the currency-distribution project.

According to a signed statement Ottenbreit provided to the Defense Criminal Investigative Service, the meeting between Battles, Custer, and CPA officials was combative. "At one point during the contentious discussion," Ottenbreit states, "both [Custer and Battles] stood from their chairs and threatened to walk out of the room as well as pull their company from the project." (Through a BearingPoint spokesman, Ottenbreit declined comment.)

If CPA officials were suspicious of Custer Battles' billings before the meeting, they were even more so after the pair left.

According to an Air Force memo supporting the company's suspension last fall from government contracting, after the meeting "Battles left a spreadsheet labeled 'Iraq Currency Exchange Logistics Support Requirements,' which was discovered by CPA personnel."

The CPA officials couldn't have been pleased with the numbers they found.

Under its contract, Custer Battles was to file invoices with the government for its costs. It was then eligible to be reimbursed for those costs and could receive an additional 25 percent on top of that as profit. The spreadsheet indicated that Custer Battles, by inflating its costs, was reaping a profit roughly six times the allowable amount.

The day after the spreadsheet was discovered, a Sunday, the Defense Department's inspector general's office informed Custer Battles that it would be conducting a review of the company's only other contract with the CPA in Iraq, a $16.8 million project to provide security for Baghdad's airport.


Scott Custer and Michael Battles, both in their 30s at the outset of the invasion of Iraq, had served together in the U.S. Army.

Custer is a former Army Ranger who had worked for Arlington, Va.-based defense contractor Science Applications International Corp. Battles ran unsuccessfully for Congress as a Republican in Rhode Island in 2002 and, according to the record of Custer's interview with the Defense Criminal Investigative Service, is a former Central Intelligence Agency case officer who was -- according to Custer -- "very active in the Republican Party and speaks to individuals he knows at the White House almost daily."

In the fall of 2002, the two founded Custer Battles as a security firm. Within months, President George W. Bush would order U.S. troops into Iraq. Custer Battles was among the first contractors into Baghdad after the fall of Saddam Hussein and, by the end of June 2003, had managed to win the contract to provide security for Baghdad's airport, a contract Custer told investigators was the first time the company had provided actual security for a site.

Two months later, the company bid on and won the contract to support Iraq's currency distribution. The value of the contract, including allowable profit, would eventually be worth approximately $20 million.

To maximize profit from that $20 million, the Air Force suspension memo says, Custer Battles employed a group of "sham companies" to create bogus invoices that vastly overstated the cost of items.

In an interview with government investigators, Scott Custer acknowledged that Custer Battles set up companies in the Cayman Islands named Secure Global Distribution and Mid-East Leasing.

A third company, MT Holdings -- named after the initials of two Custer Battles employees -- was also set up in the Caymans as a holding company for Secure Global and Mid-East Leasing. The offshore companies, Custer told investigators, were designed to limit Custer Battles' liability in the event that its employees were killed or injured in Iraq and to maintain Custer Battles' image as a security contractor by providing a different brand identity for the company when it was providing logistical work.

But several documents -- the company's suspension memorandum from the Air Force, the signed statement from BearingPoint's Ottenbreit, an internal report written in February 2004 by Custer Battles manager Peter Miskovich, and the statements of the two whistleblowers in the current suit -- suggest that Mid-East Leasing and Secure Global were just two of several companies set up to inflate the company's equipment and supply costs.

Custer told investigators he had set up the companies on the advice of Marc Stanislawczyk, an attorney in the D.C. office of Arnold & Porter. Stanislawczyk declined to comment for this article. Stanislawczyk left Arnold & Porter last month to work in the Wilmington, Del., office of pharmaceuticals firm AstraZeneca.

One way the offshore companies were used was in the project involving Iraqi currency. For its work on the project, Custer Battles was advanced the first $3 million of the contract on the condition that it submit invoices reflecting expenditures as they were made.

In reviewing invoices from suppliers submitted by Custer Battles during the fall of 2003, BearingPoint's Ottenbreit told investigators, one receipt in particular stood out.

It was a bill to Custer Battles from Secure Global for leases on trucks, buses and forklifts. That bill showed Secure Global charging Custer Battles rates of $12,500 per month for a single five-ton truck. (The spreadsheet obtained by CPA officials indicates that Custer Battles' actual cost for a five-ton truck was $5,000 per month.)

Ottenbreit also took notice of the fact that Secure Global listed its address as a post office box in Oakton, Va. Ottenbreit said he was unable to locate any reference to the company in an online search. He then searched for the name of the person from Secure Global who signed the invoice for the trucks, buses and forklifts -- and found that she was an employee of Custer Battles.

According to the Air Force suspension letter, Custer Battles created invoices totaling at least $8.5 million in the name of its companies based in Lebanon and the Caribbean. That conclusion is supported by Miskovich's internal report, Ottenbreit's statement to investigators, and court filings of the whistleblowers.

The Air Force noted in its suspension memo last fall that "[Custer Battles] purchased cabins, trucks, and equipment and created false leases between CB and the sham companies, making it appear that the sham companies were leasing the goods to the CPA through CB. The scheme allowed CB to lease the goods to the CPA at prices exceeding the original cost of the goods."

In his interview with government investigators in January 2004, Custer denied inflating supply costs or using the offshore companies to overbill the CPA. When confronted with the invoice from Secure Global, Custer acknowledged that the name on it was that of a woman who had been his personal secretary at Custer Battles.


The whistleblower suit that brought the documents to light is being heard by federal Judge T.S. Ellis III in Alexandria, Va. It was filed by a former Custer Battles manager, William Baldwin, and a subcontractor, Robert Isakson, who accuse the company of defrauding the government.

Under the False Claims Act, whistleblowers can file a qui tam suit against a company for bilking the United States. The Justice Department can then choose to join the suit; if successful, the government can collect three times the amount of damages it sustains, plus penalties and fees. The plaintiffs are also eligible for 15 percent to 30 percent of the claim.
In October, the DOJ, without explanation, declined to join the Custer Battles suit, but gave the whistleblowers permission to proceed in the government's name. A Justice Department spokesman declined comment on the case.

Grayson, the whistleblowers' attorney and a partner in McLean, Va.'s Grayson & Kubli, says that the Justice Department declined to join the suit because of uncertainty over whether the CPA was a part of the federal government.

The court is currently considering that question, and Ellis has asked the DOJ to file a brief stating the government's view of the question. On Feb. 25, the Justice Department told the court it would file a brief by April 1.

One senior Pentagon lawyer told Legal Times that a number of other suits have been filed that will turn on this exact question.

Should the court decide that the False Claims Act does not apply to CPA contracts in the Custer Battles case, procurement attorneys say it's unclear how violations of those contracts can be prosecuted in other cases.

"The government has played this both ways," says Steven Schooner, a government contracts expert at George Washington University Law School. "When it's been to the government's advantage to say the CPA was a federal agency, they've said it was a federal agency. When it wasn't, they've said it wasn't."

Madsen signs onto this blog!!!

Cool beans! Wayne Madsen is now on this blog site as an author and we can hope that soon he will be directly publishing his own reports from here with no middleman. Yeah!!!!


Monday, March 07, 2005

Possible "Gannon" sighting in Houston

Date: Sun, 6 Mar 2005 10:31:18 EST
Subject: Possible "Gannon" sighting in Houston
To: JamBoi

I received the following from a friend in Houston:

Was wondering how tall Gannon/Guckert/Gosch is as either he, or a dead ringer for him, showed up at the Houston restaurant I was having a luncheon meeting Friday (March 4) . This guy was probably 5' 9" or so, late 30's/early 40's, athletic build.

Gannon brought his web site back on line on March 4, the same day of this possible "Gannon sighting" in Houston. Gannon's benefector is News Service owner Bobby Eberle who also lives in Houston. Could it be that even after Gannon was outed as a gay male escort who may have had clients in the White House, he is still being funded by Eberle in Houston? Maybe Gannon/Guckert or whoever he really is has these guys over a barrel and can get anything from them -- including a revived web site and $$$ to operate it.

The possible Gannon sighting was at a restaurant on Hwy 59 South across from the Sharpstown Mall in southwest Houston. Bobby Eberle's home address is 2620 Sunday House Dr. South Houston, TX, which, as the crow flies looks about 18 miles from the restaurant. However, both locations are close to the Houston Beltway.

Thursday, March 03, 2005

"Gannongate Is Just The tip of The Iceberg": Madsen

Date: Thu, 3 Mar 2005 11:25:23 EST
Subject: Gannongate is just the tip of the iceberg
To: JamBoi at yahoo dot com

Here's the latest Madsen report:

Special Report

GOP pedophilia and S&M trysts: A long history going back to Bush 41 and Reagan

By Wayne Madsen
Online Journal Contributing Writer

March 3, 2005—The recent scandal involving gay male escort and right-wing faux journalist Jeff Gannon (a.k.a. James Dale Guckert and possibly a few other aliases) is not welcome news for the purported sadomasochistic hedonists in the White House administrations of both George W. and George H. W. Bush.

As with their fascist fellow travelers in Hitler's Germany, Franco's Spain, and "The Colonels'" Greece, many of the fascists associated with the Bush family have a predilection for sex with children and young recruits within the U.S. military. However, since the 1980s, the Bush cabal has been able to keep the GOP's dark secrets away from the disinfectant of sunshine and media attention.

Except for the outbreak of news stories concerning the Franklin Credit Union-Lawrence King-Craig Spence child prostitution scandal in 1989 that involved midnight tours of the White House for underage male sex slaves from Nebraska and reached high into the upper echelons of the elder Bush administration, little has been heard about the sex crimes of top Republicans. That is, until it was revealed that "Jeff Gannon" was intricately tied to GOP operatives ranging from George W. Bush political "Svengali" Karl Rove, to White House Press Secretary Scott McClellan, and Texas GOP provocateur Bobby Eberle. In typical Bush scandal fashion, Eberle's "Talon News Service" has disappeared as fast as Jeff Gannon from the James Brady Briefing Room and Doug Wead's secret tapes of Bush from the public ear—tapes that, at the very least, indicated Bush's prior use of marijuana, cocaine, and LSD.

As this writer has previously reported, during the early 1980s, a number of naval officers were implicated in a child pornography ring that extended from Oregon to the San Francisco Bay area and to Chicago and Washington, DC. The story about that ring was covered up by then-Secretary of the Navy John Lehman who engaged in similar cover-ups of the Navy's "Tailhook" scandal involving the sexual assault by naval aviators of women, including at least one underage teen, and the gun turret explosion on the USS Iowa, originally and erroneously blamed by Navy investigators on a despondent gay sailor. The GOP appointed Lehman to the 9-11 Commission, which issued a final report that many victims' families and investigators determined was a whitewash.

The fact that Gannon/Guckert, a male escort who adopted a military theme for his clientele, was made privy to classified information involving CIA covert agent Valerie Plame and her husband's (former Ambassador Joseph Wilson) trip to Niger to investigate possible uranium shipments, has a precedent with prior GOP illegal sexcapades involving national security breaches. The Franklin pedophile cover-up was mirrored by the Navy pedophile affair that also breached national security during the height of the Cold War. The cover-up of the pedophile ring involving senior naval personnel ran right up the chain-of-command to the Pentagon offices of then-Secretary of the Navy Lehman, Assistant Defense Secretary Richard Perle, and Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger and the White House offices of Vice President George H. W. Bush, and Reagan Chief of Staff and close Bush confidant James Baker III.

As someone intimately involved in the investigation of the Navy case and as a victim of the cover-up, this reporter is publishing for the first time correspondence and documents on the Navy affair so that the current Bush sex scandal, "Gannongate," does not go the way of the Nebraska/Washington, DC, Navy, and Abu Ghraib/Guantanamo scandals. (One note of interest: the "X" in the Case Control Number 718XNA refers to the FBI's cross referencing file numbering system. The "X" means that the case is a "X" case–meaning that the case is of extreme sensitivity, the "NA" following the "X" refers to the Navy. There are, in fact, "X Files," but they have nothing to do with aliens but very much to do with high-level government officials engaged in off-the-wall activities, like pedophilia and prostitution).

[Click here for the full article including supporting documents]